Saudi representation at the funeral of Queen Elizabeth was closely watched for any signs of a further thaw in the froideur that has marked diplomatic relations between the Kingdom and Western countries in the wake of the 2018 murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, regarded as having taken place at the direction of Muhammad bin Salman (known as MbS), the crown prince and de facto ruler. Indeed, the earliest indications were that MbS himself would attend the formalities, standing in for his father the king, but a public uproar over his presence, led by Khashoggi's widow and human rights groups, threatened a distraction, and those plans were quickly scrapped. A British foreign office source, careful to note that the change was made by Saudi Arabia, announced that another prince would be at the funeral in his place. The stand-in for MbS - "Prince Turki" - seems to have been understood up by the media as referring to Turki al-Faysal, a senior royal, leading to some confusion initially, but in the end Turki bin Muhammad, a grandson of the late King Fahd, attended the funeral ceremony in London's Westminster Abbey.
The choice of the unknown Turki was surprising, given that other countries were sending monarchs and presidents. Turki, though a "Minister of State", has only been in his role (an advisor at the Royal Court) for a few years; before that his experience consisted largely of chairing a committee of the Disabled Children's Association, and the Board of Directors of the Imam Turki bin Abdallah Royal Reserve Development Authority, a minor entity. He is not considered particularly close to the crown prince and his circle, and despite media attempts to find the significance of his presence in the fact that Turki is one of the younger generation of royals that MbS is promoting, the optics of royal succession back in Saudi were of little relevance in this setting. More likely, Turki was chosen because of his character - trustworthy, reliable, and as the grandson of a king, well versed in the nuances of proper behavior and etiquette.
The danger, however, is that the choice of Turki is perceived as a diplomatic slight, in light of his notably junior status. The contrast is all the more acute when considering the backdrop to the funeral itself: the new monarch, Charles III, has been a champion of the Arab and Muslim worlds for decades, to the extent that he was once nicknamed "Charles of Arabia" by the British press. Relations with the Crown therefore risk getting off to a shaky start.
As Prince of Wales, Charles was known for forging strong relations with the countries of the Middle East region, as he met with members of royal families there more than 200 times in the past decade alone. In a sense, the role he took on was that of a bridge between his country and all the nations of the Gulf. Even if the Foreign Office was to find good use for him as a "point man" for British business interests in Muslim countries, Charles was still genuinely interested in the region's history, culture and religion. Indeed, he was said to have spent six months before his 2015 tour learning Arabic to decipher the inscriptions in museums and archaeological works, as well as to read the Qur'an in its original language. His interest in Islam even caused some controversy in the late 1990's, when he was rumored to have converted during a visit to Istanbul. The future king also set up at one point a panel of twelve "wise men" to advise him on Islamic religion and culture. Some of this is practical, of course - with three million Muslims in the UK, Islam is the second-largest religion in the country - but Charles has no doubt demonstrated a lifelong commitment to the building of bridges between different faiths and cultures. He has also spoken forcefully against what he termed "Islamic fundamentalism" long before the term became widespread, arguing that the religion had been "hijacked by the extreme and the superficial".
|
War, Peace and Politics - The Royal Family and Palestine (Part II)
After the death of the first Saudi king, Abd al-Aziz, his son Saud took the throne. Despite taking the Palestinian issue to heart, the new monarch was unable to ever fully comprehend the depth of American support for Israel. In the end, Saud's weak leadership, disinterest, and lack of regional clout frustrated his scattered and unfocused efforts at resolution. |
|
War, Peace and Politics - The Royal Family and Palestine (Part I)
The October 7 surprise attack on Israel by Hamas, and the resulting war this precipitated, has exposed the shortcomings of the Abraham Accords. Further, the lack of available arrows in the Saudi diplomatic quiver highlights the failure of decades-long efforts to reach a meaningful consensus on the issue of Palestinian statehood. Yet, starting with the reign of the Kingdom's founder, Abd al-Aziz, solidarity with Palestine and opposition to the Zionist project has been a core tenet of the royal identity. |
|
Stage Management: Spectacles, Sidelining And Dissent
Even as the Kingdom takes steps towards cultural liberalization, an intense crackdown on activists and political dissidents continues unabated. Can the attempt to change its international image be reconciled with the extraordinary sentences being handed down by the courts? |
|
A Royal in Morocco: The Strange Case of Princess Fahda al-Hithlayn
News of the lavish Moroccan holiday of Fahda, the wife of Saudi King Salman, seems to fly in the face of widespread reports of her supposed captivity on the orders of her own son, the crown prince. Was the sensational allegation by foreign intelligence agencies flawed, or has a family reconciliation taken place? |
|
Reform, Crackdown and Succession: Continuity or Disruption?
As the crown prince and de facto regent Muhammad bin Salman presses ahead with an ambitious program of social and structural reforms, it is often assumed that he is pursuing a radically vision than that preferred by his more conservative father, King Salman. A closer look, however, reveals that the two are in fact closely aligned. |